But I want to know. Which of these quotes was your favourite?http://www.cantinesanpancrazio.it/components/socehep/952-come-ascoltare.php
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And finally One of the best ways to learn a new language is with podcasts. Read more about how to use podcasts to learn a language. Are you looking for German quotes? Quotes can also help you: Learn new ways of speaking: You can see how German is used, moulded and shaped to express ideas and concepts Learn more about the culture: Quotes often give a direct cultural insight to people, places and points of view within a culture Find new vocabulary and turns of phrase: You can analyse quotes to fine new vocabulary you may not learn in your day-to-day speech If you want to become a better conversationalist and learn more about German people, studying the quotes can be a great use of your time.
Adults drink beer. For sex, not so much. I run amok every day. Seize the moment. Only that is yours.
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That was a long list of quotes. I hope you found them useful and insightful. Let me know in the comments! As well as managing our Facebook and Twitter feeds, James teaches people how to learn German, and move to Germany, on his blog Deutschified. There was an error submitting your subscription. Please try again. She here presented her help for persecuted Jews as reflecting a sense of Christian responsibility for the ongoing crimes, a sense shared with the circle of active Christians to which she belonged.
In this hopeless situation, Jesus Christ, whom we had come together to hear and understand, wanted to make us ready for responsibility towards every person who laid claim to a foundation for the hope he had given to us. Jacobs altered description of the motivations for her aid was presumably connected to experiences accumulated since In the postwar years she came to realize that a strong antisemitic tradition persisted within the Protestant Church. That was the background for her retrospective critique of the behavior of her congregation under the Nazis and her call for a new theological perspective.
The first text appeared in the Protestant publication Unterwegs ; Jacobs was thus addressing a Christian public she wished to remind of the resistance of Christians under National Socialism. In contrast, the second text emerged from an interview in which she was asked to talk about her childhood, parents' house, and personal experiences. Jacobs was now speaking as a witness wishing to transmit democratic values to her youthful audience. The self-descriptions of former helpers did not convey fixed, definitive knowledge but depended on the period in which they were articulated—their particular narrative context—and the nature of those they were addressing.
This has basic implications for research on their activities, as the catalyzing motives and values of the s were not necessarily those of the s. The Oliners already encountered this problem in their study. Namely, with their questionnaire they had not only registered the self-evaluation of those interviewed but also evaluated the circumstances surrounding the first assistance the helpers had offered. The results were surprising: more than half those surveyed indicating they acted on the basis of group expectations and pressure—rather, that is, than citing empathy with persecuted Jews.
None of these subjects mentioned a sense of duty; only three percent indicated they acted for the sake of external approval. While argumentations and descriptions display a strong relationship with the present, thus helping us understand the current positions of those being interviewed, stories about series of past events convey more stable information that can be at a distance from the conscious processes unfolding in the first two categories.
The first act of assistance she recalls took place during Germany's nation-wide pogrom so-called Kristallnacht in November At the time she was an employee in the office of a Jewish patent lawyer, Hermann Barschall. When a putative policeman rang the bell at her boss's office, Jacobs, fearing he was going to be arrested, denied he was present. In the days that followed, she helped Barschall hide; possibly he stayed for a time in her apartment.
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Let us look more closely at the initial situation in which Helene Jacobs' aid was offered. When the doorbell of Hermann Braschall's office rang, his wife Elise was present there as well. In her interview Jacobs offers the following recollection:. That day we continued to work…and in the evening we were about to stop when the front bell rang. Frau Barschall was on the floor above and the front garden was closed, so that no one could come into the garden without the gate being opened from the inside. And she then asked who was there. And she was also very fast-thinking when she noticed that a shady person was standing there.
He naturally had no uniform; he was a young man. At the garden gate, the man explained he was from the police and was there for a foreign-exchange control, upon which Jacobs told him her boss was not in the office and his time of return was uncertain. Jacobs repeated this lie, which she had probably already offered at the entrance gate on previous occasions, acting as a loyal employee should. The first step towards later helping actions was thus made in a familiar context and in the framework of a customary role. It was a small, nearly self-evident step. But it represented an important experience, success in fooling the claimed policeman and saving Hermann Barschall from imminent arrest.
Such small successes were of great significance for the emergence of assistance to the persecuted Jews. Many of those who helped Jews survive underground in the s were building on smaller and less dangerous forms of assistance offered during the s. Although framed by her employee status, Helene Jacobs' help was by no means predetermined. Obviously, she could have betrayed her boss. We know that denunciation of Jewish acquaintances was common in Nazi Germany. Non-Jews involved in private or professional conflicts with Jews could simply and quickly resolve matters through a denunciation.
But Helene Jacobs did not seize this opportunity. In order to understand her decision to offer her help, we need to consider a broader biographical context. In November Jacobs was 32 years old. She had already been working in Barschall's law office fourteen years, nearly half her life. If we trust her memories, the job offered her great satisfaction.
I also became acquainted with people…and these included Nobel Prize winners and very interesting people I was able to meet although I wasn't academically inclined and actually in let's say a subordinate position to them, actually only a head clerk. And they were all somewhat special, brought me into their thoughts as if it was self-evident and were very pleased about everything I contributed to our conversations.
Clearly, such respectful treatment deeply moved Jacobs; very likely it instilled strong feelings of gratitude in her, so that betraying Barschall would have been out of the question. What this case suggests is that in themselves structural opportunities offered in a certain milieu, for instance professional contact with Jews, are insufficient for explaining the helpers' actions.
Rather, just as important is the way a certain social position is interpreted by the actors, both these dimensions calling for close consideration. The contact to Hermann Barschall and Helene Jacobs' presence in his office at the time of the threatened arrest did not determine a certain course of action. As suggested, her decision to offer help rather than engage in betrayal is significantly clarified when we consider her subjective viewpoint, her emotional ties with and feelings of thanks to the man she helped save.
The connection between social structures of opportunity and their individual appropriation is a complex one. For people are not only able to interpret their social context differently but also to influence it and help shape it to different degrees. They can reproduce it, withdraw from it, modify it. Following the November incident, Elise und Hermann Barschall decided to emigrate, Helene Jacobs then supporting their preparations and traveling a number of times outside Germany to file entry requests and secure the couple's assets.
Anne Church in Berlin-Dahlem. A few months later, she wrote as follows in a letter to her pastor Helmut Gollwitzer:. My life is so astonishingly free of the ties that almost every person has.
I do not have a profession, and certainly no family And thus it continues. It is especially difficult for a woman to live so completely disconnected and relying on herself. In order to exit this depression and feelings of isolation, Jacobs turned to BK member Gertrud Staewen, whom a clergyman had recommended to her as a contact person. He would become an important model for Jacobs as her perspective developed. For the rescue activities of Helene Jacobs, her integration into the BK structures would be of central significance. Helene Jacobs now developed strategies of aid going beyond the charity-work within the BK.
In cooperation with Franz Kaufmann, she began to support persecuted persons who had taken the step into illegality, sheltered strangers in her apartment, procured false papers for them, and participated in bribing Gestapo employees. In this way Jacobs emerged as one of the central figures in Kaufmann's rescue network, which appears to have helped around Jews; 59 according to my research, at least twenty of these individuals were helped by Jacobs. These activities marked a sharp difference between her and many other congregation members for whom illegal measures were unacceptable.
Now I've gradually become a gangster. Translate that into the work, the terrible work, that connects Jacobs and myself. One observation seems called for in light of this remark.
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Otherwise than was the case with for example their counterparts in France, who could legitimate their actions through some popular support, an established resistance network, and a functioning exile regime, in breaking the law German helpers were largely isolated, and were maneuvering themselves into social marginality. Taking this into account points all the more strongly to Jacobs' willingness to accept her isolation and her efforts to shape her personal situation in order to amplify her room of maneuver. Once I become very calm about this the positive sense will reveal itself. In addition, the special social position she had in the neighborhood meant she could carry out her rescuing in a way that was both self-willed and discrete: no one was interested in such a social outsider.
Jacobs' active shaping of the conditions for her rescue work also emerges in the course taken by her professional life. Following the Barschall family's emigration, she initially searched for a new job. As Jacobs recalled things, she could in this way earn the very respectable sum of reichmarks for only one full day's work weekly. All told, Helene Jacobs' biography suggests that helping activities are best understood in the context of specific social constellations. What was initially most important was personal contact to Jews, followed later by membership in the Confessional Church, integration into existing aid networks, freedom from family responsibilities, short working hours and relative financial independence tied to specialized competence, and outsider status in the neighborhood.
But all these factors were not simply givens—rather, they were actively developed and utilized by Jacobs. This in turn suggests that it would be mistaken to derive the sort of help she gave from a particular position and connected opportunities. Only their individual appropriation makes the subsequent rescue efforts comprehensible.
For this reason the accounts need to be interpreted against the backdrop of their context of origin and supplemented by historical-sociological analysis. A major obstacle proved to be the power struggle that was taking place between Hindenburg and Ludendorff, recently appointed to the Supreme Command, and Chancellor Bethmann Hollweg. Undeterred, Ludendorff continued to press for more effective ways of disseminating propaganda. In November the OHL had called together civilian and military representatives from thenews gathering and information service.
This proved an important meeting and the forerunner of more radical schemes that were to follow. Three areas of activity were identified as being in need of co-ordination: at home; at the front; and in neutral countries. The meeting established the ground rules for future strategy. The meeting, which lasted for two days, was ostensibly to co-ordinate measures to counter anti-monarchist propaganda, but inevitably it covered a broader agenda Recognizing that Allied propaganda was having a demoralizing affect on both the home front and troops, the meeting agreed to recommend a number of measures.
A central agency would be set-up for the collection and co-ordination of propaganda and closer links were to be established with Section IIIb of the OHL two measures that Ludendorff had urged in December The meeting unanimously agreed that urgent measures were needed to restore the popularity of the Kaiser.
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In an attempt to engender better public appreciation of the work carried out by Wilhelm, the Kaiser, together with the Kaiserin, were to be placed in the forefront of the counter-propaganda campaign. For his part, the Emperor would be asked to make trips to the smaller towns and villages to raise his profile in the eyes of the people. He would also be given more credit for alleviating the food shortages and greater efforts would be made to establish a closer identification with the workers, particularly in the industrial conurbations.
Lersner reported that the military cabinet had received numerous letters from the public asking that the Kaiser abdicate and that Ludendorff had sent Nicolai to Berlin to confer with the Minister of War to counter anti-monarchist propaganda sentiments. The outbreak of war marked a sharp decline in the personal influence of the Kaiser.
Although Wilhelm II was inquisitive and enthusiastic by nature, he lacked the staying power to ensure that his ideas were translated into policy By the middle of , popular acceptance of his constitutional infallibility had perceptibly waned. Aware of this, Wilhelm was less inclined to exert Imperial rule in the face of the challenge posed by Hindenburg and Ludendorff.
Obsequiousness and servility remained a feature of court life and undoubtedly contributed to the poor quality of government in later Imperial Germany. Apart from periodic sabre rattling and the symbolic maintenance of hierarchical protocol, which was a characteristic of German society, Wilhelm II was very much a spent force. Nevertheless, for propaganda purposes, it was important to maintain the pretence that the Kaiser retained the support of his subjects. Wilhelm was aware of the seriousness of the threat to his own position posed by the populist Third Supreme Command but his shortcomings were such that he was unable to provide the constitutional balance between weak political leadership and the strength of the OHL.
In Bavaria it was rumoured that he had been wounded in an assassination attempt in Austria. Times are Hard, But Victory is Certain. An infantryman wearing the steel helmet that was introduced in stares defiantly from the trenches. Ludendorff insisted that poor morale was a consequence of the weak leadership of Beth- mann Hollweg. By continuing to press for more centralized control over the means of communication, Ludendorff was swimming against the prevailing public mistrust of state authority. Such opportunities presented themselves wherever people gathered in groups, be it in a food queue, a cinema, or an overcrowded train compartment.
These channels of communication proved impossible to regulate although it had been made an obligation to notify authorities of the spreading of false information since January Municipal authorities and regional commands collected this information but could do little with it, while some Deputy Commanding Generals tried unsuccessfully to make the spreading of false rumour a punishable offence.
Official responses varied from one region to another but there was widespread agreement that false rumours [that remained unchecked] contributed to the growing antipathy to the war. Rumours also acted as the catalyst for spontaneous collective action that could ignite into a food riot or even a strike A start would be made on the troops and the campaign was launched by Ludendorff on 29 July On 17 July , Ludendorff penned a memorandum claiming the success of the sixth war loan had been due to the organizational structure that the military had established for enlightenment purposes.
For some time the OHL had claimed that sections of the army had been infiltrated by USPD Independent Social Democratic Party agitational propaganda and that this had lowered morale and undermined discipline amongst the troops To counter the duel problem of enemy propaganda and political agitation of the far-Left, an extensive organizational apparatus was established A permanent coordinating organization was established at GHQ and in each army corps district a specialist propaganda officer was appointed who would receive advice and material from the War Press Office on how best to disseminate the patriotic propaganda in the district units For this reason patriotic propaganda at home was to be brought in line with that of the army.
Instead patriotic instruction was to be confined to certain points and repeated many times Four themes were indentified:. The Causes of the War. The economic development of Germany, its importance and the consequences of a lost war, particularly from the point of view of the working class. Confidence in Final Victory. The Necessity and Importance of Leadership the army, the Government, civil administration, industry and commerce. Hence the necessity for authority and it corollary, obedience. There must be unflinching confidence in the Emperor and the princes of the federal states, as well as the military leaders.
The Enemy , who is placing all his hopes on our economic and political collapse must be convinced that we cannot be beaten in the field. War aims and party politics were strictly forbidden; the war was to be portrayed as being forced on Germany by the unscrupulous Entente powers who were not interested in German offers of peace. A weak peace therefore meant economic disaster for Germany. The troops had to be taught the imperative need to fight on, convinced by jingoistic history lessons on past military triumphs and current U-boat successes that victory was assured a whole spate of U Boat posters, postcards, calendars etc were produced to drive home this message.
War profiteers were condemned and workers in the armaments factories who went on strike were accused of fratricide Enlightenment Office This reflected the duration of the war, the demands of the military upon the civilian population and the unprecedented economic burdens that led to war weariness and a longing for peace.
Unfortunately for the OHL reports were indicating that the public was no longer concerned with the question of war aims, rather when will the war end No amount of centralization could persuade the population to enthusiastically invest in war bonds if they believed such an act might prolong the war.
The campaign coincided with the celebrations for the 70th birthday of Hindenburg. Therefore subscribe to the War Loan! Is joyfully subscribing to the War Loan. The young ones show themselves today to be cleverer than many grown-ups. All Nine! Subscribe to the War Loans! Gerd Paul, Hann and Hein are two U-boat sailors who have written to her for advice on how best to raise money for the war effort.
These documentary films, which were acclaimed by both critics and cinema audiences, were intended to boost morale and support the official propaganda line that the controversial resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare would end the Allied blockade and bring a swift end to the war At the front, troops laughed at sermons that tended to consist of nothing more than chauvinistic claptrap.
Women were encouraged to use food substitutes, not to complain to husbands fighting at the front, and above all not to have sexual intercourse with prisoners of war Lectures in factories were rare and if used the lecture would invariably be given by the factory owner or a retired professional.
One report noted that for a lecture in Suhl at a factory with 1, workers only 70 workers collected free tickets, and even fewer came, even though they would have had a paid respite from the drudgery of factory work The exception was in the field of entertainment, and particularly film entertainment, where war-time developments were to have long-term implications for the German film industry. Throughout , Ludendorff had been stressing the importance of film as a propaganda medium and calling for the industry to be centralised.
As a result, a new umbrella organization financed jointly by the State and private industry was founded on 18 December and became known as Universum-Film-Aktiengesellschaft Ufa. Ufa was envisaged as the catalyst through which film production, facilities and film theatres would be improved and increased. Film production was no longer to reflect the lowest tastes of the masses.
The State was eventually forced to sell its holdings in the company. Even so, despite the turmoil in Germany in , Ufa quickly asserted its independence in the field of film production.
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