Kautsky, Karl. Bernstein und das sozialdemokratische Programm: Eine Antikritik. Stuttgart: Dietz. Lenin, V. In Collected Works , Vol. Miliband, Ralph. Oxford: Blackwell. Tudor, Henry, and J. Van Ree, Erik. London: Routledge. Is Liebknecht one of them? Engels obviously thought so in , with his efforts to water down the militant emphasis upon which he and Marx had always insisted. Yet Liebknecht would become part of the Spartacus League, being a leader of the Spartacist Uprising on in which he and Rosa Luxemburg were murdered.
How about Kautsky? Was is Bernstein , with his advocacy of peaceful transition once the bourgeoisie saw the benefits of socialism. Now Kautsky becomes a radical, for he opposed Bernstein as the chief theoretician of the second generation Kautsky ; Tudor and Tudor One might expect that Lenin would opt clearly for revolution over against reform, for an abolition of the current system over against tinkering with it in order to make life more bearable. Such reform may therefore be seen as a response by the bourgeoisie to the strength of the working class, attempting to steer the workers away from revolution by emphasizing reform.
In other words, reform is a bourgeois weapon designed to weaken the working class.source url
The Class Struggles in France, 1848-1850
It follows that those socialists who see the prime task at hand to be reform miss the elephant in the room, for they wish to alleviate the conditions under which they work and do not realize that the problem lies in those conditions themselves CW 5: ; LPSS 6: 42; CW —80; LPSS 62— One should never rest with what is given, but work to change that given. And the reason is that by fighting on the ground chosen by the enemy, reformists strengthen the power of their enemy. What, then, is the function of reform? Is it to be dismissed entirely as a bourgeois deception and as a socialist compromise with the status quo?
Contrary to initial impressions, Lenin does see a clear role for reform. In a daring formulation that is based on revolutionary experience, he argues that the opposition of revolution and reform is itself false. One cannot have either one or the other; instead, the condition for reform is revolution itself.
In this light, reforms may be understood as temporary reconciliation with a partial victory or even failure in which the old system has been shaken but has not yet collapsed CW ; LPSS More importantly, reform becomes a central feature of revolutionary agitation, a means of raising the consciousness of workers and peasants, a way of both alleviating conditions in the intermediate period and of pointing out that those conditions are the problem.
In this way, workers will see through the false promises of reformism and utilize reforms to strengthen their class struggle. Thanks to the intelligent use which the German workers made of the universal suffrage introduced in , the astonishing growth of the party is made plain to all the world by incontestable figures: , ,; , ,; , , Social-Democratic votes. Then came recognition of this advance by high authority in the shape of the Anti-Socialist Law  ; the party was temporarily broken up, the number of votes dropped to , in But that was quickly overcome, and then, under the pressure of the Exceptional Law, without a press, without a legal organisation and without the right of association and assembly, rapid expansion began in earnest: , ,; , ,; , 1,, votes.
The hand of the state was paralysed. The Anti-Socialist Law disappeared; the socialist vote rose to 1,,, over a quarter of all the votes cast. The government and the ruling classes had exhausted all their expedients — uselessly, pointlessly, unsuccessfully. The tangible proofs of their impotence, which the authorities, from night watchman to the imperial chancellor had had to accept — and that from the despised workers! The state was at the end of its tether, the workers only at the beginning of theirs. But, besides, the German workers rendered a second great service to their cause in addition to the first, a service performed by their mere existence as the strongest, most disciplined and most rapidly growing socialist party.
They supplied their comrades in all countries with a new weapon, and one of the most potent, when they showed them how to make use of universal suffrage. There had long been universal suffrage in France, but it had fallen into disrepute through the way it had been abused by the Bonapartist government.
It had also existed in Spain since the republic but in Spain election boycotts had been the rule for all serious opposition parties from time immemorial. The revolutionary workers of the Latin countries had been wont to regard the suffrage as a snare, as an instrument of government trickery. It was different in Germany. The Communist Manifesto had already proclaimed the winning of universal suffrage, of democracy, as one of the first and most important tasks of the militant proletariat, and Lassalle had again taken up this point.
Now that Bismarck found himself compelled to introduce this franchise as the only means of interesting the mass of the people in his plans, our workers immediately took it in earnest and sent August Bebel to the first, constituent Reichstag. And from that day on they have used the franchise in a way which has paid them a thousandfold and has served as a model to the workers of all countries. But it did more than this by far.
Red Theology: On the Christian Communist Tradition
In election propaganda it provided us with a means, second to none, of getting in touch with the mass of the people where they still stand aloof from us; of forcing all parties to defend their views and actions against our attacks before all the people; and, further, it provided our representatives in the Reichstag with a platform from which they could speak to their opponents in parliament, and to the masses outside, with quite different authority and freedom than in the press or at meetings.
Of what avail was their Anti-Socialist Law to the government and the bourgeoisie when election campaigning and socialist speeches in the Reichstag continually broke through it? With this successful utilisation of universal suffrage, however, an entirely new method of proletarian struggle came into operation, and this method quickly took on a more tangible form.
It was found that the state institutions, in which the rule of the bourgeoisie is organised, offer the working class still further levers to fight these very state institutions. The workers took part in elections to particular diets, to municipal councils and to trades courts; they contested with the bourgeoisie every post in the occupation of which a sufficient part of the proletariat had a say. For here, too, the conditions of the struggle had changed fundamentally. Rebellion in the old style, street fighting with barricades, which decided the issue everywhere up to , had become largely outdated.
Let us have no illusions about it: a real victory of insurrection over the military in street fighting, a victory as between two armies, is one of the rarest exceptions. And the insurgents counted on it just as rarely. For them it was solely a question of making the troops yield to moral influences which, in a fight between the armies of two warring countries, do not come into play at all or do so to a much smaller extent.
If they succeed in this, the troops fail to respond, or the commanding officers lose their heads, and the insurrection wins. If they do not succeed in this, then, even where the military are in the minority, the superiority of better equipment and training, of uniform leadership, of the planned employment of the military forces and of discipline makes itself felt.
The most that an insurrection can achieve in the way of actual tactical operations is the proficient construction and defence of a single barricade. Mutual support, the disposition and employment of reserves — in short, concerted and co-ordinated action of the individual detachments, indispensable even for the defence of one borough, not to speak of the whole of a large town, will be attainable only to a very limited extent, and usually not at all. Concentration of the military forces at a decisive point is, of course, out of the question here. Hence passive defence is the predominant form of struggle; an attack will be mounted here and there, by way of exception, in the form of occasional thrusts and assaults on the flanks; as a rule, however, it will be limited to the occupation of positions abandoned by retreating troops.
In addition, the military have at their disposal artillery and fully equipped corps of trained engineers, means of warfare which, in nearly every case, the insurgents entirely lack. No wonder, then, that even the barricade fighting conducted with the greatest heroism — Paris, June ; Vienna, October ; Dresden, May — ended in the defeat of the insurrection as soon as the leaders of the attack, unhampered by political considerations, acted according to purely military criteria, and their soldiers remained reliable.
The numerous successes of the insurgents up to were due to a great variety of causes. In Paris, in July and February , as in most of the Spanish street fighting, a civic guard stood between the insurgents and the military. This guard either sided directly with the insurrection, or else by its lukewarm, indecisive attitude caused the troops likewise to vacillate, and supplied the insurrection with arms into the bargain. Where this civic guard opposed the insurrection from the outset, as in June in Paris, the insurrection was vanquished.
In Berlin in , the people were victorious partly through considerable reinforcements in the shape of new fighting forces during the night and the morning of March 19th, partly as a result of the exhaustion and poor rations of the troops, and, finally, partly as a result of the paralysis engendered by the command.
But in all cases the fight was won because the troops failed to respond, because the commanding officers lost the faculty to decide or because their hands were tied. Even in the classic time of street fighting, therefore, the barricade produced more of a moral than a material effect. It was a means of shaking the steadfastness of the military. If it held out until this was attained, victory was won; if not, the outcome was defeat. This is the main point which must be kept in view, also when examining the outlook for possible future street fighting.
Back in already, this outlook was pretty poor. And this was now successful, with a little skill, in nine cases out of ten.
But since then there have been very many more changes, and all in favour of the military. If the big towns have become considerably bigger, the armies have become bigger still. Paris and Berlin have, since , grown less than fourfold, but their garrisons have grown more than that. By means of the railways, these garrisons can, in twenty-four hours, be more than doubled, and in forty-eight hours they can be increased to huge armies.
The arming of this enormously increased number of troops has become incomparably more effective. In the smooth-bore, muzzle-loading percussion gun, today the small-calibre, breech-loading magazine rifle, which shoots four times as far, ten times as accurately and ten times as fast as the former. At that time the relatively ineffective round shot and grape-shot of the artillery; today the percussion shells, of which one is sufficient to demolish the best barricade.
At that time the pick-axe of the sapper for breaking through fire proof walls; today the dynamite cartridge. An insurrection with which all sections of the people sympathise is likely to recur; in the class struggle all the middle strata will never in all probability group themselves around the proletariat so exclusively that in comparison the party of reaction gathered round the bourgeoisie will well-nigh disappear.
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If more soldiers who have seen service came over to the insurrectionists, the arming of them would become so much the more difficult. The hunting and fancy guns of the munitions shops — even if not previously made unusable by the removal of part of the lock on police orders — are far from being a match for the magazine rifle of the soldier, even in close fighting.
Up to it was possible to make the necessary ammunition oneself out of powder and lead; today the cartridges differ for each gun, and are everywhere alike only in one point, namely, that they are a complicated product of big industry, and therefore not to be manufactured ex tempore, with the result that most guns are useless as long as one does not possess the ammunition suited only to them. And, finally, since the newly built quarters of the big cities have been laid out in long, straight, broad streets, tailor-made to give full effect to the new cannons and rifles.
The revolutionary would have to be mad to choose of his own accord the new working class districts in the north or east of Berlin for a barricade fight. Does that mean that in the future street fighting will no longer play any role? Certainly not. It only means that the conditions since have become far more unfavourable for civilian fighters and far more favourable for the military. In future, street fighting can, therefore, be victorious only if this disadvantageous situation is compensated by other factors. Accordingly, it will occur more seldom at the beginning of a great revolution than at its later stages, and will have to be undertaken with greater forces.
These, however, may then well prefer, as in the whole great French Revolution or on September 4 and October 31, , in Paris, the open attack to passive barricade tactics. Does the reader now understand why the powers-that-be positively want to get us to go where the guns shoot and the sabres slash? Why they accuse us today of cowardice, because we do not take without more ado to the streets, where we are certain of defeat in advance? Why they so earnestly implore us to play for once the part of cannon fodder? The gentlemen pour out their petitions and their challenges for nothing, for absolutely nothing.
Die Klassenkmpfe In Frankreich, Bis by Marx, Karl
We are not that stupid. They might just as well demand from their enemy in the next war that he should accept battle in the line formation of old Fritz, [Frederick II] or in the columns of whole divisions a la Wagram and Waterloo,  and with the flint-lock in his hands at that. If conditions have changed in the case of war between nations, this is no less true in the case of the class struggle.
The time of surprise attacks, of revolutions carried through by small conscious minorities at the head of masses lacking consciousness is past. Where it is a question of a complete transformation of the social organisation, the masses themselves must also be in on it, must themselves already have grasped what is at stake, what they are fighting for, body and soul. The history of the last fifty years has taught us that. But in order that the masses may understand what is to be done, long, persistent work is required, and it is just this work that we are now pursuing, and with a success which drives the enemy to despair.
In the Latin countries, too, it is being realised more and more that the old tactics must be revised. Everywhere the German example of utilising the suffrage, of winning all posts accessible to us, has been imitated; everywhere the unprepared launching of an attack has been relegated to the background. Slow propaganda work and parliamentary activity are recognised here, too, as the immediate tasks of the party. Marx's own study notes and published writings are further proof of his diligence.
It was Marx's first published writing on political economy, which set out his ideas on the theory of value, the proper methodological approach to an understanding of social reality, and the historically transient character of modes of production. The failure to complete the planned book — a critique of political economy — was not therefore due to lack of application on Marx's part, but rather to the difficulty of the task he had taken on. The subject matter for critical examination was so vast that it would take many more years to address it with his characteristic seriousness and critical conscience.
In the late s, even though he was not aware of it, Marx was still only at the beginning of his exertions. As the social ferment intensified in the second half of , Marx's political involvement became more time-consuming. In June the Communist League, an association of German workers and artisans with international branches, was founded in London; in August Marx and Engels established a German Workers' Association in Brussels; and in November Marx became vice-president of the Brussels Democratic Association, which incorporated a revolutionary wing as well as a more moderate democratic component.
At the end of the year, the Communist League gave Marx and Engels the job of writing a political programme, and shortly afterwards, in February , this was sent to press as the Manifesto of the Communist Party. Its opening words — 'A spectre is haunting Europe, the spectre of communism' — were destined to become famous throughout the world. So too was one of its essential theses: 'The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. The publication of the Manifesto could not have been more timely.
Immediately afterwards, a revolutionary movement of unprecedented scope and intensity plunged the political and social order of continental Europe into crisis. The governments in place took all possible counter-measures to put an end to the insurrections, and in March Marx was expelled from Belgium to France, where a republic had just been proclaimed.
He now naturally set aside his studies of political economy and took up journalistic activity in support of the revolution, helping to chart a recommended political course. In April he moved to the Rhineland, economically the most developed and politically the most liberal region in Germany, and in June he began editing the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. Organ der Demokratie that had meanwhile been founded in Cologne. Although his own articles were mostly chronicles of political events, in April he published a series of editorials on the critique of political economy, since he thought that the time had come 'to deal more closely with the relations themselves on which the existence of the bourgeoisie and its class rule, as well as the slavery of the workers, are founded'.
The revolutionary movement that rose up throughout Europe in was however defeated within a short space of time. Among the reasons for the authoritarian conservative victory were: the recovery of the economy; the weakness of the working class, which in some countries scarcely had an organized structure; and the withdrawal of middle classes support for reforms, as they drew closer to the aristocracy in order to prevent a lurch towards excessive radicalism.
All this allowed reactionary political forces to regain a firm grip on the reins of government. After a period of intense political activity, in May Marx received an expulsion order from Prussia too and set off again for France. But when the revolution was defeated in Paris, the authorities ordered him to move to Morbihan, then a desolate, malaria-infested region of Brittany. Faced with this 'veiled attempt on my life', he decided to leave France for London, where he thought that there was 'a positive prospect of being able to start a German newspaper'.
At that time, London was the world's leading economic and financial centre, the 'demiurge of the bourgeois cosmos',  and therefore the most favourable location from which to observe the latest economic developments and to resume his studies of capitalist society.
In London waiting for the crisis. Marx reached England in summer at the age of thirty-one. His life in the capital city was far from tranquil.
The Marx family, numbering six with the birth of Laura in , Edgar in and Guido soon after their arrival in , had to live for a long time in great poverty in Soho, one of London's poorest and most run-down districts. Despite the adverse conditions, Marx managed to achieve his aim of starting a new publishing venture. In March he ran the Neue Rheinische Zeitung.
Politisch-okonomische Revue , a monthly that he planned as the locus for 'comprehensive and scientific investigation of the economic conditions which form the foundation of the whole political movement'. He believed that 'a time of apparent calm such as the present must be employed precisely for the purpose of elucidating the period of revolution just experienced, the character of the conflicting parties, and the social conditions which determine the existence and the struggle of these parties'.
Marx was convinced, wrongly, that the situation would prove to be a brief interlude between the revolution concluded shortly before and another one lying just ahead. In December he wrote to his friend Weydemeyer: 'I have little doubt that by the time three, or maybe two, monthly issues [of the Neue Rheinische Zeitung — MM] have appeared, a world conflagration will intervene and the opportunity of temporarily finishing with political economy will be gone.
Subsequently, in The Class Struggles in France , which appeared as a series of articles in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung , he asserted that 'a real revolution A new revolution is possible only in consequence of a new crisis. It is, however, just as certain as this crisis. This crisis, however, since it is bound to coincide with great collisions on the Continent, will bring forth results quite different from those of all previous crises.
Whereas every crisis hitherto has been the signal for a new advance, a new victory of the industrial bourgeoisie over landed property and the finance bourgeoisie, this crisis will mark the beginning of the modern English revolution. In the next issue, too, dated March-April , Marx argued that the positive economic conjuncture represented no more than a temporary improvement, while overproduction and the excesses of speculation in the state railways sector were bringing on a crisis whose effects would be:.
It coincides with the agricultural crisis This double crisis in England is being hastened and extended, and made more inflammable by the simultaneously impending convulsions on the Continent; and the continental revolutions will assume an incomparably more pronounced socialist character through the recoil of the English crisis on the world market. Marx's scenario, then, was very optimistic for the cause of the workers' movement and took in both the European and the North American markets. In his view, 'following the entry of America into the recession brought about by overproduction, we may expect the crisis to develop rather more rapidly in the coming month than hitherto'.
His conclusion was therefore enthusiastic: 'The coincidence of trade crisis and revolution Que les destins s'accomplissent! During the summer Marx deepened his economic analysis begun before , and in the May-October issue of the review — the last before lack of funds and Prussian police harassment forced its closure — he reached the important conclusion that 'the commercial crisis contributed infinitely more to the revolutions of than the revolution to the commercial crisis'.
Moreover, in analysing the processes of rampant speculation and overproduction, he ventured to predict that, 'if the new cycle of industrial development which began in follows the same course as that of , the crisis would break out in '. The future crisis, he stressed, would also erupt in the countryside, and 'for the first time the industrial and commercial crisis [would] coincide with a crisis in agriculture'. Marx's forecasts over this period of more than a year proved to be mistaken. Yet, even at moments when he was most convinced that a revolutionary wave was imminent, his ideas were very different from those of other European political leaders exiled in London.
Although he was wrong about how the economic situation would shape up, he considered it indispensable to study the current state of economic and political relations for the purposes of political activity. By contrast, most of the democratic and communist leaders of the time, whom he characterized as 'alchemists of the revolution', thought that the only prerequisite for a victorious revolution was 'adequate preparation of their conspiracy'. According to Marx, this group were implying 'that the revolution failed because of the ambition and jealousy of the individual leaders and the mutually hostile views of the various popular educators'.
In their view indeed revolution consists merely in the overthrow of the existing government; once this aim has been achieved, " the victory" has been won. Unlike those who expected another revolution to appear out of the blue, by the autumn of Marx was convinced that one could not ripen without a new world economic crisis. From then on, he distanced himself from false hopes in an imminent revolution  and lived 'in complete retirement'. In February Marx wrote to Engels: 'I am greatly pleased by the public, authentic isolation in which we two, you and I, now find ourselves.
It is wholly in accord with our attitude and our principles. For Marx, who now had an additional political motive, the time had come again to devote himself entirely to the study of political economy. The research notes of During the three years when Marx had interrupted his study of political economy, there were a succession of economic events — from the crisis of to the discovery of gold in California and Australia — which he thought so important that he had to undertake further research, as well as to look back over his old notes and try to give them a finished form.
This study material is extremely interesting, as it documents a period of significant development in Marx's critique, when he not only summarized knowledge that he had already gained but, by studying dozens of new especially English-language books in depth at the British Museum library, he was also acquiring other important ideas for the work that he was intending to write . The [London Notebooks] may be divided into three groups. Unlike other socialists of the time such as Proudhon — who were convinced that economic crises could be avoided through a reform of the money and credit system — Marx came to the conclusion that, since the credit system was one of the underlying conditions, crises could at most be aggravated or mitigated by the correct or incorrect use of monetary circulation; the true causes of crises were to be sought, rather, in the contradictions of production.
At the end of this first group of extracts, Marx summed up his own knowledge in two notebooks that he did not number as part of the main series and were entitled [Bullion: the Perfect Monetary System]. Divided into ninety-one sections, one for each book under consideration, [Bullion] was not merely a collection of quotations but may be thought of as Marx's first autonomous formulation of the theory of money and circulation,  to be used in the writing of the book that he had been planning for many years.
In this same period, although Marx had to face terrible personal moments especially around the death of his son Guido in , and although his economic circumstances were so serious that he was forced to put out to nurse his last daughter Franziska, born in March , he not only managed to pursue his own work but remained hopeful that it would soon be concluded. On 2 April he wrote to Engels:.
Et cela fait I shall complete the Economy at home and apply myself to another branch of learning at the [British — MM] Museum. Au fond , this science has made no progress since A. Smith and D.
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Ricardo, however much has been done in the way of individual research, often extremely discerning. Fairly soon I shall be bringing out two volumes of sixty sheets. Engels received the news with great joy: 'I'm glad that you've at long last finished with political economy. Apart from all the books of excerpts, and with the exception of [Bullion] , itself by no means a printer-ready draft, Marx had not yet produced a single manuscript.
No doubt he had conducted his research with great intensity, but he had still not fully mastered the economic materials, and, for all his resolve and his conviction that he would eventually succeed, his scrupulousness prevented him from going beyond compendia or critical comments and finally writing his own book. Moreover, there was no publisher in the wings urging him to be more concise in his studies.
The 'Economy' was a long way from being ready 'fairly soon'. The excerpts from Ricardo, in fact, compiled while he was writing [Bullion] , constitute the most important part of the [London Notebooks] , as numerous critical comments and personal reflections accompany them. Notebooks IX and X, from May-July , centred on economists who had dealt with the contradictions in Ricardo's theory, and who, on certain points, had improved on his conceptions.
Despite the expanded scope of his research and the accumulation of theoretical questions to be resolved, Marx remained optimistic about the completion of his writing project. In late June he wrote to the devoted Weydemeyer:. I am usually at the British Museum from 9 in the morning until 7 in the evening.
The material I am working on is so damnably involved that, no matter how I exert myself, I shall not finish for another weeks. There are, moreover, constant interruptions of a practical kind, inevitable in the wretched circumstances in which we are vegetating here. But, for all that, the thing is rapidly approaching completion.
Evidently Marx thought that he could write his book within two months, drawing on the vast quantity of extracts and critical notes he had already gathered. This time the main reason for the missed deadline was his dire economic straits. Lacking a steady income, and worn out by his own physical condition, he wrote to Engels at the end of July It is impossible to go on living like this. I should have finished at the library long ago. But there have been too many interruptions and disturbances and at home everything's always in a state of siege. For nights on end, I am set on edge and infuriated by floods of tears.
So I cannot of course do very much. To improve his financial position, Marx decided to resume journalistic activity and looked around for a newspaper. In August he became a correspondent for the New-York Tribune , the paper with the largest circulation in the United States of America, and he wrote hundreds of pages for it during a stint that lasted until February Understanding the importance of this latter discipline for the study of ground rent, he took copious notes from Die organische Chemie in ihrer Anwendung auf Agricultur und Physiologie by Justus Liebig and Elements of Agricultural Chemistry and Geology by James F.
Poppe's history of technology and in Notebook XVI to miscellaneous questions of political economy. From the correspondence with Engels and Lassalle,  it may be inferred that Marx was then working on a project in three volumes: the first would set forth his own conception, while the second would offer a critique of other socialisms, and the third a history of political economy.
At first, however, the publisher was interested only in the third volume, while retaining the option to print the others if the project proved successful. Engels tried to persuade Marx to accept the change of plan and to sign an agreement: it was necessary 'to strike while the iron is hot' and 'absolutely essential to break the spell created by your prolonged absence from the German book market and, later, by funk on the part of the book dealers'  — but the publisher's interest evaporated, and nothing ever came of it all.
After two months, Marx turned again to the devoted Weydemeyer in the United States of America and asked him whether it might be possible 'to find a publisher there for [his] Economy'. Despite these obstacles on the publishing front, Marx did not lose his optimism concerning the imminence of an economic crisis. At the end of he wrote to the famous poet Ferdinand Freiligrath, an old friend of his: 'The crisis, held in check by all kinds of factors Meanwhile Marx got on with other work.
From December to March , he wrote The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte , but because of the state censorship of his writings in Prussia he had to have it published in New York, in Weydemeyer's tiny-circulation journal Die Revolution. In this connection he remarked in late to an acquaintance, Gustav Zerffi: 'no book dealer in Germany now dares to publish anything of mine. The text therefore remained unpublished during the lifetime of its two authors. He took a particular interest in India, about which he was simultaneously writing articles for the New-York Tribune.
As this wide range of research demonstrates, Marx was by no means 'taking a rest'. The barriers to his projects again had to do with the poverty with which he had to wrestle during those years. Despite constant support from Engels, who in began to send him five pounds sterling a month, and the income from the New-York Tribune , which paid two pounds sterling per article, Marx lived in truly desperate conditions.
Not only did he have to face the loss of his daughter, Franziska, in April , his daily life was becoming one long battle. In September he wrote to Engels:. For the past days I have been feeding the family solely on bread and potatoes, but whether I shall be able to get hold of any today is doubtful. The best and most desirable thing that could happen would be for the landlady to throw me out.
Related Die Klassenkämpfe in Frankreich 1848 - 1850 (German Edition)
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